Public Information & Media Development: Public Information, Media Development & Peacebuilding Processes

Medias contribution to conflict is more often noted than praise is given to its role in peacebuilding processes. Media and journalists are victims of conflict, but they also at times play an active role in exacerbating tensions in divided societies. In many respects, however, the news media and journalists are also at the forefront of peacebuilding initiatives because, when they function effectively, they are crucial for the safeguarding of peace and democracy. A reliable and diverse media that can express itself freely provides early warning of potential outbreaks of conflict. Media also helps alert and mobilize the international community on a particular crisis. During a peacebuilding process, it serves multiple purposes and is an important complement to almost every program pursued in different sectors. This section explores those different dimensions.

Medias contribution to conflict

The media and journalists are frequent victims of conflict. Censorship and government control of media, as well as attacks on journalists in pursuit of that goal, have been a feature of many modern conflicts, to the extent that the United Kingdoms Department for International Development (DFID) considers such occurrences to be warning signs of latent conflict.1 Media has also been used as a centerpiece of propaganda and hate speech, even in some contexts going so far as to call upon populations to take up arms against other civilians.

The role of media in modern conflicts

Modern historians have extensively studied the role of media in authoritarian movements and violent conflicts. According to Tim Allen and Nicole Stremlau, "The capability of the media to inflame hatreds and promote violence has been relatively well documented from early studies of the role of the radio in Nazi propaganda campaigns to the more recent examples of Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia."2

A glaring instance of this was the use of media for propaganda purposes by the Nazi Party in Second World War Germany. The use of propaganda in Nazi Germany is well recognized The regime portrayed racist ideology as a scientific doctrine.3 Joseph Goebbels, head of the Nazi Propaganda Unit, depended on media in order to actuate messages of propaganda, using both the entertainment industry and radio. Goebbels "further controlled the press school for journalists and had a hold over radio broadcasting. He induced the industry to produce affordable radio sets, installed loudspeakers in public places and sent radio wardens to monitor the use of those radios. Between 1933 and 1942, the German radio audience increased from 4.5 to 16 million."4 Hence, Nazi Germany is often cited as a paradigmatic case wherein media was used for propaganda to inflame racist ideology.

More recently, in Rwanda, hate speech disseminated through Radio-Télévision Libre des Mille Collines clearly played a crucial role in the 1994 genocide. Radio Mille Collines in particular broadcasted messages explicitly calling on the Interahamwe militias and regular Rwandan Hutus to attack the Tutsi and Twa minorities, as well as Hutu moderates.5 The medias role in this case was so explicit that the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda has prosecuted members of the industry, including journalists and musicians.6

Similarly, the Balkan wars were plagued with propaganda channeled through media, which propagated conflict. In Serbia in the late 1980s, Slobodan Miloševic cracked down on media dissent and distributed media propaganda, "warning that a new generation of Serbs allegedly faced a 'new genocide.'"7 This trend continued in the 1990s, as both Croatian and Bosnian media outlets engaged heavily in controlled sensationalist propaganda pitting Serbs against their Muslims neighbors. In this instance, "while the explicit broadcast of hate messages was rare, the cumulative impact of biased coverage fuelled the hatred over a long period of time."8 The role of the media in the former Yugoslavia was to reinforce ethnic identities and fear between communities along ethnic lines, rather than explicitly to call for violence. The contribution of media to this atmosphere of fear was so clear that some have remarked that "every bullet shot in Bosnia was supported by media activities."9 A report published by Article 19 (a non-governmental organization (NGO) engaged in an international campaign for free expression, which takes its name from Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights chronicles the media propaganda that prepared the populations of the former Yugoslavia for war.10

Link to international framework; Link to main actors: outsiders

Media also played an important role in the propaganda against the UN peacekeeping force (UNPROFOR) in the former Yugoslavia.11 The mission has been the permanent helpless victim of disinformation organized by the various parties and campaigns to destroy its credibility. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, during the war, even the rare 'independent' press organs linked to groups of intellectuals (particularly in Sarajevo) operated partly 'under control,' especially of the Party of Democratic Action (Stranka Demokratske Akcije, or SDA), which used them to criticize international institutions and the UN for specific purposes.12

Media as a transformative tool encouraging violence

The media may be a useful tool for inciting conflict where it is able to influence perception and portray 'others' as responsible for their own marginalization and declining psycho-social and economic conditions. From the perspective of masses, identification of an 'other' gives logic to suffering by identifying a culprit that can be thwarted. Particularly in conflicts where populations are manipulated around ethnicity, it also frames some groups as primordially superior, allowing for the preservation of pride simply by virtue of group membership. Hannah Arendt observed this in totalitarian movements, which, she explains, "conjure up a lying world of consistency which is more adequate to the needs of the human mind than reality itself; in which, through sheer imagination, uprooted masses can feel at home and are spared the never-ending shocks which real life and real experiences deal to human beings and their expectations."13

While leadership is a crucial component of any violent conflict, such movements are also dependent on mass perpetrators. Nazi Germany's success in the final solution relied on ordinary citizens, just as Rwandan radio called upon the general population to commit genocide. Philosopher Michel Foucault observed of such movements, "Rather than ask ourselves how the sovereign appears to us in his lofty isolation, we should try to discover how it is that subjects are gradually, progressively, really and materially constituted through a multiplicity of organisms, forces, energies, materials, desires, thoughts, etc."14 Thus, Foucault is concerned with the processes that would allow populations to be subjugated to an ideology or leader.

What modern historical cases, particularly Nazi Germany and Rwanda, exemplify is the role of media as a transformative tool; that is, in its capacity to encourage populations (masses) to follow and act in a violent movement. Peace scholar Johan Galtung has developed a typology of violence that seeks to describe this transformative capacity.
  • Direct or acute violence is the most blatant manifestation of violence, amounting to infliction of physical harm.
  • Structural violence is understood as "those factors that cause peoples actual physical and mental realizations to be below their potential realizations,"15 which can take the form of direct violence, poverty, repression, and alienation.16
  • Cultural violence is "a violence that occurs in the symbolic sphere of our existence" through "symbols, flags, hymns, speeches but also all kinds of texts produced in and by the media."17
In this typology, media, as a component of cultural violence, may be utilized to remind populations of the realities of structural and at times direct acts of violence inherent in everyday life. Propaganda also leads these masses to identify a perceived source (if not a reason) for their marginalization. In such contexts, media is a powerful tool to help disseminate the message.18 Where media has been used to encourage identification along ethnic divides, as in Bosnia, or to instigate violence along those lines, as in Rwanda, it has not acted alone but as a tool used to build upon a longer legacy of violence.

[Back to Top]

Medias role in alerting and mobilizing the international community

"Wars are partly what the media make them," claim Tim Allen and Jean Seaton.19 This diagnosis reflects the general recognition that the existence of a crisis, in particular a violent conflict, is now dependent on international news media coverage. Even if, "by their very definition, the local media will always beat international organisations in spotting the potential for crises and reporting on a developing conflict; only when the story is judged big enough--perhaps when the shooting has started--will it make the international news."20 In that respect, the role of international media will always be decisive.

The digital revolution has increased this impact. The role of the media in mobilizing international public opinion, in particular when mass violence is committed, has been largely observed and analyzed in the last two decades in contexts ranging from the Balkans to Timor-Leste to the African Great Lakes region.21 It is clear that "the main politico-military entrepreneurs play increasingly on the rebound effect of international information, not hesitating to resort to the best specialized agencies for that purpose."22 Gordon Adam and Lina Holguin suggest, "Information management has become a major part in war strategy"manipulating the media to get a tactical advantage over the enemy."23

Indeed, journalists reporting can have an exacerbating, or conversely calming, effect on conflict. Information conveyed by the international media and foreign journalists has rebound effects in the countries themselves, as content is reproduced by the local media, through the Internet and international press for those with access and via international radio stations broadcasting daily in local languages on short wave (Voice of America and BBC World Service, and to a lesser extent Radio France International). The discontinuous presence of international media is also important for local journalists because many of them work for as fixers and informers for their foreign colleagues. The way foreign journalists report on some aspects of the peacebuilding process may also influence the way local media will chose to cover these issues. However, this complex interaction between local and international media remains to be analyzed in more depth.
Go to medias role in conflict and debate & challenge on international versus local media

Diasporas play an important role, as they diffuse specific information about what is going on in the country. Beatrice Pouligny asserts, "Together with accounts by representatives of NGOs or other international organizations, the combined action of various media, international and local, helps to fashion images and build up representations of what is happening."24 This remains largely the case during a peacebuilding process, at least where and when the attention of the international community remains strong. This is particularly the case in specific moments that are considered crucial peacebuilding junctures, such as during elections.

[Back to Top]

Medias role in peacebuilding processes

A reliable (i.e., accurate and balanced) and diverse media is essential to a peacebuilding process, in particular but not only its governance and democracy component. This section focuses on some key aspects of that role, with particular emphasis on the following points:
  • Media helps disseminate information and represent a diversity of views sufficient for citizens to make well-informed choices and be able to participate in public life;
  • Media serves as a watchdog over leaders and officials, as well as other actors in the peacebuilding process;
  • Medias presence is essential in the monitoring of human rights and the functioning of other civil society actors;
  • Media coverage is essential during an electoral period;
  • Media helps raise awareness on other dimensions of peacebuilding processes and is therefore a vital support to many of its components in different sectors of activities;
  • Media can contribute to efforts to change attitudes in the general public; and
  • Media has been shaped by the enhanced role of new technologies in peacebuilding processes (ICT for peacebuilding).

Media, dialogue, and public participation

A pluralistic media sector may allow a range of views and voices to be opened and therefore publicly expressed. Typically, in a conflict environment, a narrow range of extremist views tends to dominate, and credible information is tremendously difficult to access.25 During the peacebuilding process, transparent media can become a credible source of information and can support the expression of competing perspectives, therefore becoming a peaceful channel for public dialogue.26 Free and open communication helps prevent the manipulation of populations.

This level of communication and transparency is actually important at every stage of a peace process, including the negotiation (peacemaking) phase. Mediators and power brokers are often reluctant to communicate during negotiations, but "securing a free flow of accurate and constructive information at this stage can help ensure sustainable agreements and prevent leaders from manipulating such negotiations to secure their own power and position."27

During the peacebuilding phase, media is an even more important tool for policy makers to get their message out.28 This is also true of all peacebuilders, insiders and outsiders alike, as they need to inform the public about what activities are underway, raise public awareness, and educate citizens, the last of which is an important factor in improving popular participation in public life. In this sense, citizens rely on the media not only for basic information but also to explain complex negotiations and frame overall issues.29 This sort of communication is also one of the most effective tools in earning and building the confidence of the population in the peace process. It helps people feel connected to the reform plans.30
Go to PALPG subsection

Media as a watchdog

An independent, lively, and widely accessible media can act as a third-party 'watchdog' that provides feedback to the public on local issues.31 Vladimir Bratic and Lisa Schirch suggest, "Media can bring hidden stories out into the public. Investigative reports can surface public problems."32 This helps keep the government, but also any other actor in the peacebuilding process (including the private sector or outsiders) accountable to the larger community. One aspect of this refers to financial accountability and good governance practices. In peacebuilding processes, measures are generally enforced to increase that accountability, but it is not always easy for the general public to understand issues of public resources. To address that problem, some radio stations have developed special programs on the issue. According to DFID, "Pressuring governments into good governance is an essential long term function of an independent media sector."33  Go to PALPG subsection

Media supporting human rights and civil society functions

A specific dimension of the monitoring work undertaken by the media is in regard to human rights violations. Media is a key partner for human rights organizations, even though they may sometimes be at odds with one other because they do not have the same methods. This is why it is so important to have journalists trained on these specific issues, so that they can come to understand the rationale for methods used by human rights practitioners and take these interests into account when reporting. More generally, media is a key partner for other civil society actors (of which it is part). It gives civil society organizations (CSOs) the means to monitor what is going on and contributes to CSOs advocacy functions.34 Indeed, in practice, there is significant overlap between civil society and media, particularly where media outlets take on specific advocacy functions. Many organizations, particularly international advocacy agencies such as International Crisis Group, Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty International, concurrently fulfill functions of civil society and media.

Go to introduction to democracy and good governance: sub-topics

Election reporting and media coverage

The media is an important component in the administration of peaceful elections in fragile environments. Media offers voters access to information. According to Yll Bajraktari and Emily Hsu, "For citizens to make well-informed decisions in an election there must be a free media. But the media must be more than free. It must be reliable. It must be trusted. It must have opportunity to form independent and diverse views."35 Information campaigns organized during electoral periods help inform citizenry about what to expect during an election, and can "ensure that citizens know their rights and responsibilities as well as the rights and responsibilities of candidates, political parties, government bodies, and other organizations."36 A free press also helps highlight issues demanding governmental attention and permit public scrutiny of candidates' competing political visions.37 During the electoral process, media coverage is also essential. Media helps report problems and possible violation of the rules, publicizing instances of fraud and violence.38 Therefore, special rules regulate media coverage during electoral periods.

The role of media in awareness and public information campaigns

Every aspect of peacebuilding processes needs to be supported by awareness and information campaigns, as most such processes require awareness, understanding, and a minimum of public participation. Therefore, media is used not only to deliver general information on those processes but also to support targeted civic education campaigns in different sectors of activities.

In the security sector, particularly for disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR), small arms control and demining, and community securing and policing, but also for some dimensions of security sector reforms, media may assist with civic education.39 The diffusion of accurate information about the security situation is also crucial in order to counterbalance rumors and fears that can persist and be easily manipulated.

In economic recovery, the repatriation of refugees and the reintegration of displaced persons significantly depend on the information disseminated among these populations, as well as to the local communities into which the populations will be reintegrated. Often, biased messages and rumors dominate on both sides. Organizations such as the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) rely on CSOs to help spread more objective and accurate information, but they also organize 'go and see' and 'go work' trips for refugees and NGOs. Journalists can also help CSOs distribute more accurate information about actual conditions in the field. According to UNHCR, "A well prepared and conducted information campaign can build confidence and create conditions conducive to return."40 Public information on economic programs and relief aid, such as where to go to find services, is also key but often underestimated.  Go to community reintegration

In justice and psycho-social recovery processes, each program relies on a public information and education component that is vital to its success. International organizations, as well as international and local CSOs, support media initiatives that disseminate information on peace processes, reconciliation, and justice initiatives, in particular human rights and transitional justice. For instance, media was instrumental in disseminating information on the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission. These initiatives may not necessarily receive enough funds and support but they are crucial to the success of such processes.

Medias contribution to changing popular attitudes

Media, particularly those initiatives oriented toward peace, may actually support change in attitudes, helping to modify perceptions of 'others' and facilitate reconciliation between divided groups. There is a graduation between public information and awareness, and a process that would actually lead to conflict transformation. The most obvious effect of media is in its ability to increase cognitive knowledge by supplying people with information. Some also believe that specific well-crafted messages and media formats have been effective in modifying and altering attitudes.41 However, such effects are difficult to assess and measure. This is where experts have advocated for a proactive role for media in peacebuilding. Johan Galtung coined the term 'peace journalism,' an idea that advocates for conflict transformation through constructive discourse: "This kind of journalism is openly inclined to peace discourse, and cannot be achieved through the ordinary distribution of information. It requires a proactive approach to the constructs of reporting, and openly admits a bias towards peaceful ways of addressing conflict."42

This potential broader and deeper impact of media explains that some donors, practitioners, and scholars have been increasingly encouraging the development of targeted peace media initiatives. "New York University's Center for War, Peace and News Media, for example, sees the potential peace-building role for media to:
  • Counter misconceptions of the 'enemy' and help reduce the level of rumor in society.
  • Build confidence amongst warring parties, build consensus and allow face saving.
  • Facilitate communication between conflicting parties and provide an outlet for emotional expression.
  • Analyse the conflict and educate on the process of conflict resolution.
  • Propose options and solutions to the conflict and influence the balance of power in a conflict.
  • Promoting dialogue through video: Simunye project, Thokoza township, South Africa."43
These initiatives extend past the traditional focus of media-related initiatives on conventional journalism, supporting the emergence of normative ideas of good governance and democratic development, particularly in post-conflict environments. Moreover, "the newer category of media-related peacebuilding goes beyond the traditional disengaged journalistic role. It is designed to have an intended outcome: a reduction of conflict among citizens. Rather than merely informing, material is selected for its potential in transforming conflict, by shifting attitudes of the parties involved in conflict, by providing essential information."44 For instance, media professionals are encouraged to give more coverage to peacebuilding efforts, including to reconciliation and inspirational stories of personal transformation.45

This approach extends from traditional journalism media into avenues such as popular music, soap operas, call-in shows, community radio and video projects, street theater, wall posters, and concerts. It can be highly effective, particularly in conflict-ridden areas where audiences can be more receptive to information presented in an entertaining form.46

ICT4Peace and the role of new technologies in peacebuilding

In recent years, the explosion of digital technology combined with fiber-optic and satellite links has given unprecedented access to information. The power of global communications can be of great benefit to the cause of peace, although not all people benefit to the same extent and there is a strong argument that the poorest are further marginalized as information 'have-nots.'47 As a consequence, different initiatives have been taken to ensure greater use of these technologies in support of peacebuilding. Information and communication technologies for peacebuilding (ICT4Peace) activities are very broadly defined at present, but they generally imply the use of new information and communication technologies in the vast range of activities carried out in relation to armed conflict, including conflict prevention and management, peace operations, humanitarian relief and disaster assistance, and post-conflict peacebuilding and reconstruction.48

Paramount in ICT4Peace is the use of mobile technology. Mobile initiatives are now considered capable of providing "greater opportunities for social impact that other information and communication technology (ICT) projects do not necessarily share. For example, physical access to mobile phones is obviously much greater compared to computers and other less readily available technologies. With rapid mobile phone penetration in many areas of the globe and growing global network coverage, access is increasingly assured."49 They also are more affordable and require less skill, and, as a consequence, less training. For instance, the use of cell phone text messaging by human rights advocates, religious leaders, and other members of local civil society was crucial in the events that followed the December 2007 presidential election in Kenya, demonstrating how this technology may be a vital tool for conflict management and prevention.

The Internet has also provided a range of media that has been increasingly used in peacebuilding contexts, improving dissemination of information and enhancing capacity for networking and knowledge exchange.50 Tremendous growth has occurred in 'citizen journalism' through user-generated media, which "begins with more independent, individualistic production of blogs, text messages, wikis, etc., but take their power from the social networking capabilities of these new technologies."51 These platforms have multiplied, including on issues directly related to conflict transformation, democracy, and peacebuilding, as shown by the experience of Groundviews and Vikalpa, two citizen journalism platforms that have been useful in countering the environment of information repression and bias in regular media outlets in Sri Lanka. These spaces can promote and strengthen voices that are not featured in mainstream media. The limit of an extensive use of such technologies is that, in many countries, access to the Internet is extremely limited beyond the capital and major cities, and the quality of the connections too poor for use beyond checking email. Yet, some feel this form of community and user-generated media may represent the next generation in programs for peace.52

1. Department for International Development (DFID). Working with the Media in Conflict and Other Emergencies (London: DFID, 2000), 10.
2. Tim Allen and Nicole Stremlau, Media Policy, Peace and State Reconstruction (London: Crisis States Research Centre , 2005), 2.
3. Hannah Arendt, The Totalitarian Movement, in The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovitch, 1968), 43-44.
4. Vladimir Bratic, Examining Peace-Oriented Media in Areas of Violent Conflict, International Communication Gazette (forthcoming): 6.
5. Allen and Stremlau, Media Policy, Peace and State Reconstruction, 6.
6. United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Status of Cases; United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Fact Sheet No. 1: The Tribunal at a Glance.
7. Ahmed Buric, The Media War and Peace in Bosnia, in Regional Media in Conflict: Case Studies in Local War Reporting, ed. Alan Davis (London: Institute for War and Peace Reporting, 2001), 64.
8. Bratic, Examining Peace-Oriented Media, 8.
9. Buric, The Media War and Peace in Bosnia, 67. See also, Jasmina Kuzmanovic, Media: The Extension of Politics by Other Means, in Beyond Yugoslavia: Politics, Economics and Cultures in a Shattered Community, ed. Sabrina Petra Ramet and Ljubisa S. Adamovich.  (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1999).
10. Mark Thompson, Forging War: The Media in Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Hercegovina (London: Article 19, 1994).
11. Marjan Malesic, International Peacekeeping: An Object of Propaganda in Former Yugoslavia, International Peacekeeping 5, no. 3 (1998): 82-102.
12. Pouligny, Peace Operations Seen from Below, 153.
13. Arendt, The Totalitarian Movement, 51.
14. Michel Foucault, Two Lectures, in Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972-1977, ed. C. Gordon (Brighton: Harvester Press, 1988), 97.
15. Peter Uvin, Development Aid and Structural Violence: The Case of Rwanda. Development 42, no. 3 (1999): 50.
16. Ibid., 51.
17. Bratic, Examining Peace-Oriented Media, 10.
18. Ibid.
19. Allen and Seaton, The Media of Conflict, 3.
20. Alan Davis, ed. Regional Media in Conflict: Case Studies in Local War Reporting (London: Institute for War and Peace Reporting, 2001).

21. Beatrice Pouligny, La communauté internationale face aux crimes de masse: Les limites dune communauté dhumanité. Revue Internationale de Politique Comparée 8, no. 1 (2001): 97-78.

22. Pouligny, Peace Operations Seen from Below, 154.
23. Gordon Adam and Lina Holguin, The Medias Role in Peacebuilding: Asset or Liability? (paper presented at the Our Media 3Conference, Barranquilla, Colombia, 2003).
24. Pouligny, Peace Operations Seen from Below, 154.
25. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Access to Information, in Governance in Post-Conflict Situations (New York: United Nations, 2004), 7.
26. Yll Bajraktari and Emily Hsu, Developing Media in Stabilization and Reconstruction Operations (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 2007).
27. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), The Media in Conflicts: Accomplices or Mediators? (Paper presented at the FES International Conference, Berlin, Germany, May 11, 2000), 33.
28. Vladimir Bratic and Lisa Schirch, Why and When to Use the Media for Conflict Prevention and Peacebuilding  (The Hague: Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict, 2007), 10.
29. Kalathil, Langlois, and Kaplan, Towards a New Model, 20.
30. Fortune and Bloh, Strategic Communication, 21.
31. FES, The Media in Conflicts, 33.
32. Bratic and Schirch, Why and When to Use the Media, 9.
33. DFID, Working with the Media, 26-27.
34. Bajraktari and Hsu, Developing Media in Stabilization and Reconstruction Operations.
35. Ibid., 8.
36. Kalathil, Langlois, and Kaplan, Towards a New Model, 23.
37. Kenneth Roth, Testimony on the United States and the Promotion of Human Rights and Democracy (presented before the United States House Foreign Affairs Committee, Subcommittee on International Organizations, Human Rights, and Oversight, 22 May 2008).
38. Ross Howard, Media + Elections: An Elections Reporting Handbook (Vancouver: Institute for Media, Policy and Civil Society, 2004), 12.
39. Kalathil, Langlois, and Kaplan, Towards a New Model, 20.
40. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Handbook for Repatriation and Reintegration Activities (Geneva: UNHCR, 2004), sec. 4, 14.
41. Bratic and Schirch, Why and When to Use the Media, 14.
42. Ibid., 17-18.
43. DFID, Working with the Media, 23.
44. Howard et al., The Power of the Media.
45. Yehezkel Landau, Healing the Holy Land: Interreligious Peacebuilding in Israel/Palestine (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 2003).
46. Ibid.
47. Adam and Holguin, The Medias Role in Peacebuilding.
48. Daniel Stauffacher, William Drake, Paul Currion, and Julia Steinberger, Information and Communication Technology for Peace: The Role of ICT in Preventing, Responding to and Recovering from Conflict, United Nations ICT Task Force Series 11 (November 2005), 6.
49. Sheila Kinkade and Katrin Verclas, Wireless Technology for Social Change (Washington, DC: United Nations Foundation/Vodafone Group Foundation Partnership, 2008), 9.
50. Stauffacher et al., Information and Communication Technology for Peace, 10.
51. Sheldon Himelfarb and Megan Chabalowski, Media, Conflict Prevention and Peacebuilding: Mapping the Edges (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 2008).
52. Communication with Lisa Schirch by email (November 1, 2008).

The news, reports, and analyses herein are selected due to there relevance to issues of peacebuilding, or their significance to policymakers and practitioners. The content prepared by HPCR International is meant to summarize main points of the current debates and does not necessarily reflect the views of HPCR International or the Program of Humanitarian Policy and Conflict Research. In addition, HPCR International and contributing partners are not responsible for the content of external publications and internet sites linked to this portal.